No Legal Recreational Marijuana in Missouri: We Have Enough Problems with Addiction!

The Missouri recreational marijuana referendum is financed by a despicable conglomerate of entities ranging from George Soros, to the Mexican drug cartels, to mainline businesses such as the alcohol industry which considers 95% THC (the high/ euphoria producing chemical of cannabis products) the next 'logical' adult beverage to accompany beer, wine, and liquor. 1,2,3 Collectively, I refer to this unsavory and unwholesome alliance as "Big Weed." After a decade of effort, tens of millions of dollars of advertising, promotion, and half-hearted, ineffectual opposition by the healthcare professions, no opposition by the Missouri Hospital Association and support by the Kansas City Star and St. Louis Post-Dispatch newspapers, sham medical pot was passed into constitutional law in 2018.1 That ship has sailed and, for better or for worse (my bet the latter), we will have to live with the consequences. Anecdotal reports from Missouri suburban hospitals and emergency rooms published in Missouri Medicine already indicate easy access medical marijuana is resulting in increased cannabis related ER visits and hospitalizations.5 Missouri Medicine has published more scientific and perspective articles on the unscientific nature of the studies of medical marijuana and the deleterious effects of moving from legal sham medical marijuana to legal recreational marijuana than any other state medical journal.

The best response to US criminalisation of abortion is decriminalisation elsewhere

[...]with the US Supreme Court overturning Roe v Wade, sexual and reproductive rights are under threat globally.23 The US is polarised on abortion, but criminalising abortion, as many states in the US are now doing,4 is harmful and costs lives.5 It disproportionately affects the poorest, most marginalised, and most vulnerable. Despite many US states following the Supreme Court ruling, the Republican state of Kansas recently voted to allow abortion.7 In the UK, although the public and politicians are supportive of abortion, it remains a criminal act under certain circumstances.8 Only Northern Ireland in the UK has decriminalised abortion, but that sea change in law is not yet matched by provision of services. Risk of preterm birth, small for gestational age at birth, and stillbirth after covid-19 vaccination during pregnancy: population based retrospective cohort study.

Racial resentment and support for decriminalization of drug possession in the United States.

Drug criminalization creates significant barriers to prevention and treatment of substance use disorders and racial equity objectives, and removal of criminal penalties for drug possession is increasingly being endorsed by health and justice advocates. We present empirical data estimating the share of U.S. adults who support eliminating criminal penalties for possession of all illicit drugs, and examine factors associated with public support. Data from the Johns Hopkins COVID-19 Civic Life and Public Health Survey, a probability-based nationally representative sample of 1222 U.S. adults, was collected from November 11-30, 2020. Support for decriminalizing drug possession was assessed overall and by sociodemographic factors and attitudes towards politics and race. Correlates of support were examined using multivariable logistic regression. Thirty-five percent of adults supported eliminating criminal penalties for drug possession in the U.S. In adjusted regression models, respondents who were younger or identified as politically liberal were more likely to support decriminalization relative to other groups, and respondents who were Hispanic or identified strongly with their religious beliefs were less likely to support decriminalization. Among white respondents, greater racial resentment was strongly associated with reduced support for drug decriminalization. Support for drug decriminalization varies considerably by beliefs about politics and race, with racial resentment among white Americans potentially comprising a barrier to drug policy reform. Findings can inform communication and advocacy efforts to promote drug policy reform in the United States.

Fully legal or only medical and religious purposes? Public support for cannabis policies in the Eastern Caribbean

Purpose>Public support for various policy options for managing cannabis in the Caribbean and the characteristics of those most likely to support specific policy options remains largely unknown. The purpose of this study is to investigate the impact of age, sex and employment status on the public attitudes towards the full legalisation of cannabis, partial legalisation (that is for medical or religious purposes) or its continued prohibition.Design/methodology/approach>Using secondary data collected from nationally representative public opinion polls conducted by Caribbean Research and Development Services from 2016–2018, this paper compares the public attitudes towards cannabis in Barbados, St. Vincent and the Grenadines, St. Lucia, Antigua and Barbuda and Dominica using a multinomial logistic model.Findings>Support for the continued prohibition, legalisation or partial legalisation of cannabis varied significantly by age, employment status and country of residence. Women, people over 51 years of age and the employed were more likely to support full prohibition. Attitudes towards cannabis policy in the Caribbean are by no means homogenous, neither are the policy shifts occurring across the region, with some of these changes occurring slowly and not necessarily reflective of cultural dynamics.Originality/value>This study is unique in its cross-country analysis in the Caribbean and providing valuable insight into the levels public support for cannabis legalisation. Its findings can help shape targeted public education in these countries.

What the U.S. overturning Roe v. Wade means for Canada: CMAJ

The US Supreme Court may soon strike down its landmark ruling in Roe v. Wade, ending constitutional protections for abortion, according to a draft decision leaked to Politico. The ruling would mean that states can decide whether and how to restrict abortion--or ban it outright. Nearly two dozen Republican-led states are expected to issue immediate bans, 13 of which have "trigger laws" on the books that would automatically kick in once the Supreme Court overturns Roe v. Wade. Abortion will probably remain legal in Democrat strongholds. At least a dozen states, including California, have passed laws protecting access. Here, how Roe v. Wade could galvanize efforts to restrict access in Canada.

Changes in unintentional cannabis exposures in children 6 months to 5 years reported to United States poison centers during the first nine months of the coronavirus-19 pandemic.

INTRODUCTION: Almost half of exposures reported to United States (US) poison centers are exploratory ingestions in children under the age of 5 years. Pediatric cannabis exposures reported to US poison centers have risen over the last twenty years, with greater increases in the last 5 years. In 2020, the Coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic resulted in widespread stay-at-home orders and subsequent changes in work, education, and daycare. This study describes the changes in pediatric cannabis exposures during the first nine months of the COVID-19 pandemic relative to the three years before the pandemic. METHODS: Cases were identified from the National Poison Data System. Inclusion criteria was unintentional cannabis exposure in children aged 6 months to 5 years between January 1, 2017 and December 31, 2020. Analysis was performed with segmented regression of interrupted time series analysis comparing January 2017-March 2020 (pre-COVID-19) to April 2020-December 2020 (COVID-19 period). Autocorrelation was assessed using Dubin-Watson test. RESULTS: There were 7,679 unintentional pediatric exposures from January 1, 2017 through December 31, 2020. There was a significant increase of 3.1% per month during the pre-COVID-19 period (p < .0001). A statistically significant immediate increase in number of exposures per month occurred in April 2020 (58.4%; p < .0001). The slope in the COVID-19 period was -0.01% (p = .99). No autocorrelation was detected. DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS: Unintentional cannabis exposures in children aged 6 months to 5 years reported to United States poison centers increased significantly after the initial COVID-19 stay-at-home orders. This trend may be associated with COVID-19 quarantines, increased time children are spending at home, increased availability of cannabis products in homes, or other reasons. Future efforts should evaluate specific factors that resulted in the observed increases in pediatric exposures.

Far From a "White Problem": Responding to the Overdose Crisis as a Racial Justice Issue

The United States is in the midst of an overdose crisis of tremendous proportions. Even before overdose death rates spiked sharply during the COVID19 pandemic, the United States had twice the mortality rate of the second highest country, and 20 times the global average.1 Deaths from overdose have increased year after year-nearly uninterrupted-for the past four decades. During the pandemic, the United States crossed the grim milestone of 100 000 overdose deaths in a 12-month period. Although overdose deaths have increased for all racial/ethnic and socioeconomic groups, these increases have not been felt equally among all Americans. Overdose and addiction have long predominated among low-income communities,3 and during the "first wave" of the overdose crisis in the early 2000s, deaths were concentrated in low-income White communities.4However, the racial/ethnic profile of the US overdose crisis has changed sharply.5 In 2020, the overdose death rates of Black individuals overtook those of White individuals and now exceed them by nearly 20%. American Indians/Alaska Natives now have the highest overdose mortality rates of any group-30% higher than for White individuals. Far from a "White problem," overdose prevention is now a key racial justice issue. In this issue of AJPH, an analysis of a national data set by Pro et al. (p. S66) considers the individual- and state-level factors that help explain racial disparities in addiction treatment. Economic and community distress-including low education, high unemployment, and housing vacancy-had the strongest negative relationship to treatment success across all racial/ethnic groups. Black and American Indian/Alaska Native patients disproportionately presented for treatment in mid- to high-distress communities. Black patients were also much more likely to experience poor treatment outcomes. In addition, patients in states that have not expanded Medicaid were less likely to experience successful treatment.

Dancers win at work: unionization and Nowak v Chandler Bars Group Ltd

In the United Kingdom, United Sex Workers is organizing as the sex workers' branch of the trade union United Voices of the World (UVW). Sex workers have located dancer unionization and labour rights within a political framework and set of demands relating to socially reproductive labour and decriminalization of all forms of sex work. Their efforts have led to an Employment Tribunal decision that dancers fall within the definition of “worker” found in various UK labour laws. At the same time, the broad perspective and demands of the sex-worker rights movement expose the limits of worker status, and the gains made through unionization have, at least at this time, been eclipsed by COVID-19.

"What will we do if we get infected?": An interview-based study of the COVID-19 pandemic and its effects on the health and safety of sex workers in the United States.

Emerging evidence suggests that sex workers face unique and profound risks arising from the COVID-19 pandemic. To illuminate the pandemic's effects on sex worker health and safety and identify intervention opportunities, from May-August 2020 in-depth interviews were conducted with a purposive sample of 15 sex workers, four service providers and two individuals who were both. Sampled sex workers included eight people of color, eight cisgender women, five cisgender men, three non-binary people, and one transgender woman. Using Conservation of Resources Theory to define impacts on sex worker resources and resulting health and safety implications, a deductive thematic analysis was conducted. Seven resources were threatened due to the pandemic: work opportunity, sex work venues, social support, health services, money, food, and housing. The loss of these resources was exacerbated by stigma - notably sex work criminalization - and significantly undermined health and safety by increasing food and housing instability, increasing risks of violence, and diminishing safer sex negotiation. Six resources were activated in response: social support, digital skills, health knowledge, non-sex work employment, money, and resilience. While social support had numerous benefits, investing digital skills and non-sex work employment were generally of limited impact. The pandemic's negative health and safety effects were most profound at the intersections of race, gender, class, and migration status. These findings suggest sex workers need urgent and ongoing support, with investments in social support and sex work decriminalization likely to have the greatest effects on health and safety relative to and beyond the COVID-19 pandemic.

Should commercial sex workers have unrestricted healthcare access across the world?

We argue commercial sex workers have rights to healthcare and psychosocial support. While decriminalization is not legally enacted in most countries, we would suggest these workers rights include freedom from harassment and opportunities to lead healthy lives. The need for healthcare access for all is heightened in the COVID-19 pandemic where some people flout rules on lockdown by engaging with commercial sex workers and may unwittingly spread SARS-CoV-2 in so doing. Unrestricted healthcare access without stigma for commercial sex workers protects them, and has a beneficial societal effect on those who engage with them and on their contacts.

Harm Reduction and Decriminalization of Sex Work: Introduction to the Special Section.

INTRODUCTION: This special section of Sexuality Research and Social Policy, edited by Belinda Brooks-Gordon, Max Morris and Teela Sanders, has its origins in a colloquium sponsored by the University of Cambridge Socio-Legal Group in 2020. The goal was to promote the exchange of ideas between a variety of disciplinary research fields and applied perspectives on harm reduction and the decriminalization of sex work. The colloquium took place during the emergence of the coronavirus pandemic in February 2020. METHODS: We explore the impact of Covid-19 on understandings of sex work, outline the basic underpinning legal philosophical question, explore the intersectional politics of decriminalization, summarize contemporary international health and human rights campaigns, explore contemporary public opinion trends on the issue, and illustrate the universal principles. Finally, we summarize the special section papers (N=12). RESULTS: The Covid pandemic provided a lens through which to analyse the changes that have occurred in sex work and sex work research in the past decade and it also exacerbated intersecting inequalities, accelerated many social shifts already in motion whilst changing the course of others. In combination the papers in this special issue examine sex work policy and research across 12 countries in four continents to provide and important space for international and cross-cultural comparison. CONCLUSIONS: We present the timely contributions of diverse authors and comment on the significance of their research projects which support a decriminalization policy agenda for the benefit of academics, policymakers and practitioners to improve public health strategies and international responses. POLICY IMPLICATIONS: The research here amplifies the focus on harm reduction and strengthens the case for public policy that decriminalizes commercial sex between consenting adults as the best strategy to reduce harm.

The drug war must end: The right to life, liberty and security of the person during the COVID-19 pandemic for people who use drugs.

Since the start of the opioid epidemic in 2016, the Downtown Eastside community of Vancouver, Canada, has lost many pioneering leaders, activists and visionaries to the war on drugs. The Vancouver Area Network of Drug Users (VANDU), the Western Aboriginal Harm Reduction Society (WAHRS), and the British Columbia Association People on Opiate Maintenance (BCAPOM) are truly concerned about the increasing overdose deaths that have continued since 2016 and have been exacerbated by the novel coronavirus (SARS-COVID-19) despite many unique and timely harm reduction announcements by the British Columbia (B.C.) government. Some of these unique interventions in B.C., although in many cases only mere announcements with limited scope, are based on the philosophy of safe supply to illegal street drugs. Despite all the efforts during the pandemic, overdose deaths have spiked by over 100% compared to the previous year. Therefore, we urge the Canadian federal government, specifically the Honorable Patty Hajdu, the federal Minister of Health, to decriminalize simple possession immediately by granting exemption under the Controlled Drugs and Substances Act. The Canadian federal government has a moral obligation under Sect. 7 of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms to protect the basic human rights of marginalized Canadians.